Revolution #247, October 9, 2011


BIRDS CANNOT GIVE BIRTH TO CROCODILES, BUT HUMANITY CAN SOAR BEYOND THE HORIZON

Part 2: BUILDING THE MOVEMENT FOR REVOLUTION

Conclusion: The "Impossible Dream" of a Radically Different World—and the Scientific Methods and Means That Make It Possible

Having traveled this far, and having spoken to a range of subjects in the process, a few final points in conclusion.

I've talked about the basic vision and principles of the new society and the new world we are striving for and how this is embodied in a very living way in the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America (Draft Proposal). I've emphasized that socialist society—whose basic principles and dynamics are reflected, in a concentrated way, in this Constitution—constitutes above all a transition to the communist future, which must be achieved together with and as part of the overall revolutionary struggle throughout the world toward that goal. I've talked about the fact that, even while there will still be a necessity for government in communist society, this will really be a radically different world and a whole new epoch in human history. This, too, is spoken to very powerfully in the Preamble of that Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America (Draft Proposal).

I've also made allusion to something which is very important to grasp as a basic point of orientation: Communism, from the time of Marx to now, has undergone many transformations itself in its understanding, even while its fundamental principles and objectives, and its basic scientific grounding, method and approach, remain essentially the same.

There has been, as we know, the development of capitalism into capitalist imperialism (as analyzed by Lenin) and, together with this, the great division between a handful of imperialist states and a large number of oppressed nations in what has come to be called the Third World (with, we should understand, various gradations within these broad categories and some areas where there may be some "mixing together" or overlapping of these two types of countries, or "gray areas" where the distinctions are not completely clear). Along with this, there has been the heightened rivalry among the imperialists themselves—between blocs of imperialist finance capital, and the concentrated expression of inter-imperialist rivalry as contention between imperialist states.

As Lenin also analyzed, and emphasized, with the development of capitalism into capitalist-imperialism there has been the split in the working class in the imperialist countries—between an upper, more bourgeoisified section, on the one hand, and the lower/deeper sections of the truly exploited proletariat on the other hand. Along with this, the phenomenon exists in the world today, and it has to be recognized—we have to fully come to terms with and understand the implications of the fact—that, unlike in the predictions of Marx and Engels, the working class has not become an increasing majority of society. This is true not only in the capitalist-imperialist countries themselves, but also in Third World countries. In very few, if any, countries in the world is the working class a majority of the population. This is different than what was understood and predicted by Marx and Engels. And this is a reflection of the fact that what a science does is analyze reality in its developing process and dynamics. Communism, as a living science, is not a dogma or a religion—and must not be approached and treated as such.

Further we've come to understand—not only in opposition to Trotskyite and similar distortions but in distinction from what was at least partially the understanding of communists previously—that socialism is not really a "workers' state," especially not in the more narrow sense. This is very clearly reflected in the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America (Draft Proposal): In that Constitution it is clearly put forward that the socialist state is the dictatorship of the proletariat, but what that actually means and doesn't mean in its living expression is also made clear—it is not presented in terms of a reified, economist stereotype of "THE WORKING CLASS" and "A WORKERS' STATE," but in terms of the fundamental and highest interests of the proletariat as a class, in abolishing all relations of exploitation and oppression and emancipating humanity through the advance to communism, throughout the world. To put this another way, the dictatorship of the proletariat is—and must be—different from what found expression in the Paris Commune, and also different in some significant ways from the dictatorship of the proletariat as it found expression in the first stage of the communist revolution, in the Soviet Union and even in the high point of the Cultural Revolution in China. Once again, this can be seen in the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America (Draft Proposal).

This gets back to the point I was speaking to earlier about the separation of the communist movement from the labor movement and all the implications of that: the way in which proletarian revolution is made through the involvement of a lot of different sections of people, in a dynamic and complex process of mutually influencing forces and struggles, through which—and particularly in a concentrated way on the basis of the role and work of the communist vanguard—in an overall sense the largest and most fundamental interests of the proletariat are brought to the fore and given effect in the struggle to defeat and dismantle the ruling apparatus of the old system, and then to establish new institutions which are in fact instruments for the furtherance of the communist revolution, and which make possible and give backing to the continuing transformation of both the economic base and the political/ideological superstructure of the new society. Another way to put this is that there is a new synthesis of communism, and this corresponds to what is needed in terms of a new stage of the communist revolution.

In this regard, I want to return to and touch briefly on the "parachute" point1 and the way in which this "parachute" point expresses an important aspect of the new synthesis. Here it is worth recalling—and thinking broadly and deeply about the implications of—Mao's statement about how when they were in the mountains, during the protracted people's war in China, they all ate out of the same bowl; but then, as he put it, when they came down out of the mountains (when they seized power throughout the country and were responsible for leading the new, revolutionary state) there were all kinds of new problems.

It is one thing to build a movement for revolution, whatever particular road is involved—and on the road of protracted people's war in Third World countries, for example, it is one thing to establish certain base areas in which the communist vanguard is the leading force, and in effect is the institutionalized power or is leading the masses in exercising such power in an institutionalized way, in an embryonic state, and overwhelmingly the masses of people involved are impoverished basic masses. It is quite another thing when you lead a revolution which comes to power in the country as a whole, and you have to deal with the complex panoply of different social forces—and different contradictions that will now take shape in their particular and different forms within this new society—and you have responsibility for dealing with all this in a way to lead things continually on the broad road toward communism, with all the contradiction and complexity involved in that. As the "parachute point" emphasizes: In the context of the seizure of power, many people and forces will be "compressed" around the vanguard and will follow the lead of the vanguard, with its communist outlook and objectives, without (in many cases at least) fully agreeing with those objectives or fully embracing the communist worldview; but then things will open back up again as this new state power is consolidated, and all the various contradictions which (almost as if with a powerful attractive force of gravity) were compressed around the vanguard, all of a sudden come springing out with very powerful assertive force. It is, as Mao emphasized, very different to have to deal with all that. What is adequate perhaps to dealing with an embryonic state (in a revolutionary base area), and to dealing with the building of a revolutionary movement in a partial sense, before the full seizure of power, whatever road one is on, is by no means adequate to deal with the full complexity of what will exist when the parachute (to return to that metaphor) opens back out.

The point is not that there are, or should be, different principles and methods for these different situations—ones which apply before the seizure of power and then others which apply once power has been seized. No, the principles and methods are, and must be, the same, in fundamental terms, but their application will differ in the different conditions—and, more specifically, the complexities with which the application of these principles and methods must deal will be all the greater once the first great leap has been taken, power has been seized, and a new state power has been consolidated on a country-wide basis.

In light of all this, we can understand more fully the great importance of the new synthesis.

It is necessary to really grasp, to fully understand not only the nature but the significance of the new synthesis. Not, let me stress, as some kind of "magic formula" but as embodying the essential method and approach to confronting and struggling through the contradictions that have to be faced in advancing to communism—precisely in order to go forward on the revolutionary road leading to communism—and, in the course of this, to continue to develop the science of communism.

Actually understanding what is involved in this truly world-historic revolution, yes with all its complexities and difficulties, does not make it seem easier: We are not peddling a painless path to some nirvana but are applying a scientific method and approach to confronting and overcoming very great obstacles, and struggling through very profound contradictions. But, even with the very real sacrifices that it makes clear will be required, this scientific approach and understanding does make revolution all the more real, and possible.

A basic point of orientation is this: While it is very important to continue to answer, in a substantive and compelling way, the distortions and slanders about the history of the communist movement, and more specifically the socialist societies the communist revolution has brought into being so far, this must be done without the least bit of defensiveness. It must be done in the context of very boldly putting forward the actual reality of this experience, along with the need and the basis to go further and do even better next time—the actual basis for the next wave, and the further advance, of this revolution—even as the struggle needs to be waged to bring into being, on a higher level, a new stage of the communist revolution. It is a scientifically grounded fact that this really does represent the road to the emancipation of humanity; and, with all the complexities and difficulties that are bound up with this world-historic struggle, it is far more realistic and realizable than the monumental illusion that the horrible conditions that the great majority of humanity is subjected to continually, as a result of the very workings of the capitalist-imperialist system, can somehow be ended, or even in any real and lasting way alleviated, through the reform of this system!

As is emphasized in the polemic against the political philosophy of Alain Badiou, in Demarcations2: With the ultimate reformism promoted by Badiou, and with all reformist programs and schemes, the world does remain fundamentally unchanged and the machinery of the imperialist system does continue "humming in the background," destroying lives and crushing spirits on a daily basis and on a massive scale. We should not only be putting forward—vigorously, consistently, and confidently—the need and the basis for the communist revolution and the potential it holds for a whole new, radically different and better era in human history, but also issuing, at the same time, the challenge to one and all: If you do not think we need this revolution, explain why—and tell us how anything else can even address, let alone solve, the life-crushing conditions and profound problems and dangers which confront the mass of humanity and ultimately the human species (and other species on the earth) as a whole?

This is why it is so crucial to join, strengthen and build the Party, on the basis of this scientific outlook and method and this overall revolutionary line—on the basis of communism as it has been further developed through the new synthesis—to further advance the movement for revolution that this Party is building and must lead, and to contribute all we can to the advance of the communist revolution throughout the world. The role of the Party is ultimately and fundamentally decisive and indispensable—not only at the crucial time when a revolutionary situation and a revolutionary people would emerge, but "all along the way" in order to make the emergence, and the recognition, of such a situation possible—in hastening while awaiting a revolutionary situation and carrying out overall ideological, political and organizational preparation for that time.

This is now concentrated in the campaign our Party is waging and leading, and the three objectives of this campaign: to boldly and broadly propagate the revolution we need and "put revolution on the map" in the U.S., as a serious question, in a major way; to make Bob Avakian, the leadership we have for the revolution we need, a household name; and to bring forward new forces firmly committed to making this revolution real and heightening the impact of this revolutionary movement. Whether we realize these objectives, whether we advance in fulfilling what this campaign has set out to achieve, will have a decisive influence on whether or not a movement for revolution really is going to be built in this country and, more than that—without the slightest bit of hype or exaggeration—will have an important impact on the general direction of the communist movement in the world as a whole. We should understand this in terms no less than that, because that corresponds to a scientific assessment, a scientific analysis and synthesis, of reality. This campaign is not an idealist gimmick. Under the present conditions and confronting the ways in which the contradictions are presently posing themselves, this campaign is a concentrated expression of the means for actually making the breakthroughs that need to be made in order to advance and not to be set back, and not to have the communist movement as a whole be set back, perhaps even in qualitative terms. This is what's at stake, this is what needs to be wrestled with—these are the breakthroughs that need to be made—and this is what needs to be acted on.

So let me end with a paraphrase of Lenin: It is fine, it is necessary and important, to dream of another, a radically different and better world—while at the same time we must infuse and inform our dreams with the most consistent, systematic and comprehensive scientific outlook and method, communism, and on that basis fight to bring those dreams into reality.

1. The "parachute" point is discussed (in a section with that heading) in "The Basis, the Goals, and the Methods of the Communist Revolution," a talk by Bob Avakian in 2005. This refers to the dynamics of revolution in relation to the overall "social and class configuration" of society—and more specifically "the concentration of things [around the revolutionary vanguard] at the time of the seizure of power, and then the 'opening out' again after the consolidation of power." This talk was serialized in Revolution beginning with issue #37 (March 5, 2006), and is available online at revcom.us/avakian/basis-goals-methods. [back]

2. Demarcations, A Journal of Communist Theory and Polemic, Issue 1, Summer-Fall 2009, published online at demarcations-journal.org. [back]

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